702 A.2d 230 (1997) 347 Md. 561

Vladimir Ivanovich TELNIKOFF
v.
Vladimir MATUSEVITCH.

Misc. No. 3, Sept. Term, 1996.

Court of Appeals of Maryland.

November 10, 1997.

*231 Forrest A. Hainline, III, Washington, DC, for Appellant.

Arnon D. Siegel (Patrick J. Carome, Wilmer, Cutler & Pickering, Guy Miller Struve, Davis Polk & Wardell, on brief), Washington, DC, for Appellee.

Laura R. Handman, (Lankenau Kovner Kurtz & Outten, L.L.P., on brief), Washington, DC, for Amicus Curiae.

Robert D. Balin, on the brief, New York City, for Amicus Curiae.

Argued before MURPHY, C.J.,^[*] and ELDRIDGE, RODOWSKY, CHASANOW, KARWACKI,^[*] BELL and RAKER, JJ.

*232 ELDRIDGE, Judge.

The issue presented in this certified question case is whether a particular English libel judgment, under the circumstances presented, is contrary to the public policy of Maryland so that it should be denied recognition under principles of comity.

I.

Vladimir Matusevitch, now a Maryland resident, was born to parents of Belarusan Jewish descent in New York City in 1936. In 1940, Matusevitch moved to Russia where he remained until 1968 when he defected to Norway and received political asylum. Between 1969 and 1992, Matusevitch worked in several countries as a journalist for Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty (RFE/RL), a publicly-funded American corporation that broadcasts to listeners in Eastern Europe and countries formerly under Soviet control. Matusevitch presently works at RFE/RL's corporate headquarters in the District of Columbia.

Vladimir Telnikoff, an English citizen, was born in Leningrad in 1937 and remained there until 1971, when he emigrated to Israel. The following year, Telnikoff began working as a freelance writer and broadcaster for the British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC) in London. In 1983, Telnikoff became employed as a journalist at RFE/RL in Munich, Germany.

On February 13, 1984, an article written by Telnikoff was published in the London Daily Telegraph, headed "Selecting the Right Wavelength to Tune in to Russia." The article stated in pertinent part as follows:

"But still, after three decades of gradually becoming aware of the significance of Russian language broadcasting, I believe [the BBC's] general concept has never been set right. It continues to reflect the fatal confusion of the West, which has yet to clarify to itself whether it is threatened by Russia or by Communism. We fail to understand that Communism is as alien to the religious and national aspirations of the Russian people as those of any other nation.

"This confusion further manifests itself in the policy of recruitment for the Russian Service. While other services are staffed almost exclusively from those who share the ethnic origin of the people to whom they broadcast, the Russian Service is recruited almost entirely from Russian-speaking national minorities of the Soviet empire, and has something like 10 per cent of those who associate themselves ethnically, spiritually or religiously with Russian people. However high the standards and integrity of that majority there is no more logic in this than having a Greek service which is 90 per cent recruited from the Greek-speaking Turkish community of Cyprus.

"When broadcasting to other East European countries, we recognize them to be enslaved from outside, and better able to withstand alien, Russian, Communism through our assertion of their own national spirit and traditions. However, this approach leaves room for flirting with Euro-communism or `socialism with a human (non-Russian) face' as a desirable further alternative, and well suits the Left in the West.

"Resisting the ideological advance of Communism by encouraging anti-Russian feelings is of less obvious value with a Russian audience. Making `Russian' synonymous with `Communist' alienates the sympathetic Russian listeners. It stirs up social resentment in others against the Russians. Making those word synonymous also makes sympathy for Russian into support for the Communist system."

In response, a letter written by Matusevitch, entitled "Qualifications for Broadcasting to Russia," was published in the Daily Telegraph on February 18, 1984. It was as follows (emphasis in original):

"Sir—Having read `Selecting the Right Wavelength to Tune in to Russia' (Feb 13) I was shocked, particularly by the part on alleged inadequacies of the BBC's Russian Service recruitment policies.

*233 "Mr. Vladimir Telnikoff says: `While other services are staffed almost exclusively from those who share the ethnic origin of the people to whom they broadcast, the Russian Service is recruited almost entirely from Russian-speaking national minorities of the Soviet empire.'

"Mr. Telnikoff must certainly be aware that the majority of new emigres from Russia are people who grew up, studied and worked in Russia, who have Russian as their mother tongue and have only one culture—Russian.

"People with Jewish blood in their veins were never allowed by the Soviet authorities to feel themselves equal with people of the same language, culture and way of life. Insulted and humiliated by this paranoiac situation, desperate victims of these Soviet racialist (anti-Semitic) policies took the opportunity to emigrate.

"Now the BBC's Russian Service, as well as other similar services of other Western stations broadcasting to Russia, who are interested in new staff members (natives), employ those people in accordance with common democratic procedures, interested in their professional qualifications and not in the blood of the applicants.

"Mr. Telnikoff demands that in the interest of more effective broadcasts the management of the BBC's Russian Service should switch from professional testing to a blood test.

"Mr. Telnikoff is stressing his racialist recipe by claiming that no matter how high the standards and integrity `of ethnically alien' people Russian staff might be, they should be dismissed.

"I am certain the Daily Telegraph would reject any article with similar suggestions of lack of racial purity of the writer in any normal section of the British media.

"One could expect that the spreading of racialist views would be unacceptable in a British newspaper."^[1]

After Matusevitch refused to apologize for his February 18th letter, Telnikoff filed a libel action against Matusevitch in the High *234 Court of Justice, Queen's Bench Division, in London. Matusevitch was absent for the trial on October 5, 1988, and judgment was entered against him in the amount of 65,000 pounds. Subsequently, the High Court of Justice set aside the judgment upon a motion by Matusevitch and set a new trial for May 22, 1989.

At the May 22nd trial, Telnikoff argued that the "natural and ordinary" meaning of the words contained in Matusevitch's letter implied that Telnikoff advocated (1) the use of blood-testing as part of the recruitment policy in the BBC Russian Services, (2) the dismissal of employees of the BBC Russian Service on racial grounds, and (3) racial discrimination and anti-semitic behavior. Matusevitch denied that the letter was defamatory and defended on the ground that the letter constituted "fair comment" on a matter of public interest.^[2] Matusevitch did not, however, assert truth as a defense.^[3] In reply to Matusevitch's "fair comment" defense, Telnikoff asserted that Matusevitch "had been actuated by express malice."^[4]

At the conclusion of the trial, the High Court of Justice granted Matusevitch's motion for a judgment as a matter of law. Holding that a "reasonable jury" would find that the alleged libel was "comment," the court explained:

"Read in the context of the rest of the letter, I think that [Matusevitch] was doing no more than to make the comments that, if [Telnikoff's] views as stated in his article were given effect to, then the logical outcome would be that the BBC would, when interviewing applicants to join the Russian Service, concentrate on the ethnic origins of the applicant rather than their expertise as broadcasters. I think it is clear that [Matusevitch] was using the suggestion of a blood test in a metaphorical sense and in no way suggesting that [Telnikoff] in his article had actually demanded that a blood sample should be taken from anyone.... Mr. Telnikoff had not demanded in his article that any existing staff should actually be dismissed; but by claiming that 90% of the existing staff were unsuitable for the service, I think it is comment rather than a bare statement of fact to state, as the defendant did in his letter, that Mr. Telnikoff was suggesting that those unsuitable staff should be dismissed."

The High Court went on to rule that Matusevitch's comment was objectively "fair," consisted of "a matter of public interest," and that there was no showing of express malice.^[5]

The Court of Appeal affirmed the High Court's judgment on May 16, 1990.^[6] Telnikoff *235 appealed to the House of Lords which, on November 14, 1991, affirmed in part, reversed in part and remanded the case. While affirming the rulings below with regard to malice, the House of Lords set aside the holdings below that Matusevitch's letter was "pure comment." Lord Keith of Kinkel for the House of Lords reasoned that, in determining whether the letter was comment or fact, the jury should examine the letter by itself and not in context with Telnikoff's article.^[7] Accordingly, the House of Lords remanded the case to the High Court of Justice for a jury to decide "whether paragraphs 6 and 7 of [Matusevitch's] letter consisted of pure comment or whether they contained defamatory statements of fact."

On remand, the High Court of Justice instructed the jury on this issue at a trial commencing March 10, 1992.^[8] The jury returned a 240,000 pound verdict in favor of Telnikoff, finding that Matusevitch's letter conveyed:

"1. That [Telnikoff] had made statements inciting racial hatred and/or racial discrimination; [and]

2. That [Telnikoff] was a racialist and /or anti-semite and/or a supporter and/or proponent of doctrines of racial superiority or racial purity."

Subsequently, a judgment was entered into Telnikoff's favor for the amount of the jury's verdict.

Telnikoff unsuccessfully attempted to have his judgment enforced against Matusevitch in the United States.^[9] On April 20, 1994, Matusevitch commenced the present action by filing a complaint in the United States District Court for the District of Maryland, seeking a declaratory judgment that the English judgment was "repugnant" to the First and Fourteenth Amendments to the United States Constitution, to Article 40 of the Maryland Declaration of the Rights, and to Maryland common law and Maryland public policy. Telnikoff counterclaimed, seeking enforcement of his English judgment in Maryland. *236 Upon stipulation by the parties, the case was transferred to the United States District Court for the District of Columbia.

On January 27, 1995, the United States District Court for the District of Columbia entered judgment for Matusevitch, holding that the cause of action underlying the English libel judgment was "repugnant to the public policy of the State" within the meaning of Maryland's Uniform Foreign-Money Judgments Recognition Act, Maryland Code (1974, 1995 Repl.Vol.), § 10-704(b)(2) of the Courts and Judicial Proceedings Article, and that recognition of the foreign judgment under principles of comity "would be repugnant to the public policies of the State of Maryland and the United States." Matusevitch v. Telnikoff, 877 F.Supp. 1, 3, 4 (D.D.C.1995). Alternatively, the United States District Court held that recognition and enforcement of the English judgment would violate the First and Fourteenth Amendments to the United States Constitution, id. at 4-6.^[10]

Telnikoff appealed to the United States Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit. After hearing oral argument, the United States Court of Appeals certified, pursuant to the Uniform Certification of Questions of Law Act, Code (1974, 1995 Repl. Vol., 1996 Supp.), §§ 12-601 through 12-609 of the Courts and Judicial Proceedings Article, the following question to this Court:

"Would recognition of Telnikoff's foreign judgment be repugnant to the public policy of Maryland?"

We shall answer the question in the affirmative.

II.

Telnikoff argues that the English libel judgment is entitled to recognition under principles of "comity." Matusevitch, on the other hand, asserts that the English judgment is repugnant to the public policy of the United States and of Maryland and, therefore, should be denied recognition.

The recognition of foreign judgments is governed by principles of comity. Societe Nat. Ind. Aero. v. U.S. Dist. Court, 482 U.S. 522, 543 n. 27, 107 S.Ct. 2542, 2555 n. 27, 96 L.Ed.2d 461, 483-484 n. 27 (1987); Banco Nacional de Cuba v. Sabbatino, 376 U.S. 398, 411-412, 84 S.Ct. 923, 931-932, 11 L.Ed.2d 804, 813-814 (1964); Hilton v. Guyot, 159 U.S. 113, 16 S.Ct. 139, 40 L.Ed. 95 (1895); Wolff v. Wolff, 40 Md.App. 168, 175, 389 A.2d 413, 417 (1978), aff'd, 285 Md. 185, 401 A.2d 479 (1979); In re Honda American Motor Co., Inc., 168 F.R.D. 535 (D.Md.1996).

The United States Supreme Court discussed the meaning of comity in Hilton v. Guyot, supra, 159 U.S. at 163-164, 16 S.Ct. at 143, 40 L.Ed. at 108, where Justice Gray wrote for the Court:

"No law has any effect, of its own force, beyond the limits of the sovereignty from which its authority is derived. The extent to which the law of one nation, as put in force within its territory, whether by executive order, by legislative act, or by judicial decree, shall be allowed to operate within the dominion of another nation, depends upon what our greatest jurists have been content to call `the comity of nations.' Although the phrase has been often criticized, no satisfactory substitute has been suggested.

"`Comity,' in the legal sense, is neither a matter of absolute obligation, on the one hand, nor mere courtesy and good will, upon the other. But it is the recognition which one nation allows within its territory to the legislative, executive or judicial acts *237 of another nation, having due regard both to international duty and convenience, and to the rights of its own citizens or of other persons who are under the protection of its laws."

See also Somportex Limited v. Philadelphia Chewing Gum Corp., 453 F.2d 435, 440 (3rd Cir.1971) (comity is a principle "of practice, convenience, and expediency. Although more than mere courtesy and accommodation, comity does not achieve the force of an imperative or obligation. Rather, it is a nation's expression of understanding which demonstrates due regard both to international duty and convenience and to the rights of persons protected by its own laws"); Black's Law Dictionary 267 (6th ed.1990) (defining "comity" as "the principle in accordance with which the courts of one state or jurisdiction will give effect to the laws and judicial decisions of another, not as a matter of obligation, but out of deference and respect").

Although foreign judgments are entitled to a degree of deference and respect under the doctrine of comity, courts will nonetheless deny recognition and enforcement to those foreign judgments which are inconsistent with the public policies of the forum state. Malik v. Malik, 99 Md.App. 521, 534, 638 A.2d 1184, 1190 (1994) ("where [a foreign] judgment is ... against public policy ... it will not be given any effect by our courts"). As explained by the Supreme Court in Hilton v. Guyot, supra, 159 U.S. at 164-165, 16 S.Ct. at 144, 40 L.Ed. at 109, quoting Story, Conflict of Laws, § 28,

"`[comity] must necessarily depend on a variety of circumstances which cannot be reduced to any certain rule; that no nation will suffer the laws of another to interfere with her own to the injury of her citizens; that whether they do or not must depend on the condition of the country in which the foreign law is sought to be enforced, the particular nature of her legislation, her policy, and the character of her institutions; that in the conflict of laws it must often be a matter of doubt which should prevail; and that, whenever a doubt does exist, the court, which decides, will prefer the laws of its own country to that of the stranger.'"

See Bank of Augusta v. Earle, 13 Pet. 519, 589, 10 L.Ed. 274, 308 (1839), where Chief Justice Taney pointed out that the "comity thus extended to other nations ... is the voluntary act of the nation by which it is offered; and is inadmissible when contrary to its policy, or prejudicial to its interests."^[11]

The justification for the public policy exception to the recognition of foreign judgments was articulated by the United States Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit in Laker Airways v. Sabena, Belgian World Airlines, 731 F.2d 909, 937 (D.C.Cir. 1984), as follows:

"There are limitations to the application of comity. When the foreign act is inherently inconsistent with the policies underlying comity, domestic recognition could tend either to legitimize the aberration or to encourage retaliation, undercutting the realization of the goals served by comity. No nation is under an unremitting obligation to enforce foreign interests which are fundamentally prejudicial to those of the domestic forum. Thus, from the earliest times, authorities have recognized that the obligation of comity expires when the strong public policies of the forum are vitiated by the foreign act."

See also, e.g., Andes v. Versant Corp., 878 F.2d 147 (4th Cir.1989).

The principles underlying comity, including the public policy exception, have been codified in the Maryland Uniform Foreign-Money Judgments Recognition Act, Code (1974, 1995 Repl.Vol.), §§ 10-701 et seq. of the Courts and Judicial Proceedings Article. See Wolff v. Wolff, supra,, 40 Md.App. at 170-176, 389 A.2d at 413-422; Guinness PLC v. Ward, 955 F.2d 875 (4th Cir.1992); Andes v. Versant Corp., supra, 878 F.2d at 149-150.

*238 Section 10-704(b)(2) of the Act specifically states that a "foreign judgment need not be recognized if" the "cause of action on which the judgment is based is repugnant to the public policy of the State...."^[12] This provision was recently applied by the United States Court of Appeals for the Fourth Circuit in Andes v. Versant Corp., supra, 878 F.2d 147. In that case the Fourth Circuit considered, under the Maryland Foreign Money-Judgments Recognition Act, a judgment based on an English law which precluded a claim of secondary liability against one who was not a party to the litigation against the primary obligor. This law provided the basis for an English judgment holding liable the corporate guarantor of a loan while shielding two secondarily liable parties on the ground that they were not made parties to the English proceeding against the primary obligor. Refusing enforcement of the judgment in Maryland, the United States Court of Appeals held that the "English rule of preclusion is so much at odds with normal American notions of litigation that no American jurisdiction would readily embrace it." Andes v. Versant Corp., supra, 878 F.2d at 150.^[13]

Other recent cases refusing to recognize or enforce foreign judgments or court orders on public policy grounds include, e.g., Overseas Inns S.A.P.A. v. United States, 911 F.2d 1146 (5th Cir.1990) (Luxembourg judgment, based upon treating the United States Government as a general creditor rather than a priority creditor, was not entitled to recognition because it was contrary to domestic public policy); Victrix S.S. Co., S.A. v. Salen Dry Cargo A.B., 825 F.2d 709, 715 (2d Cir. 1987) (New York law required federal court "to deny enforcement of the London judgment as conflicting with New York's public policy of deferring to foreign [Swedish] bankruptcy proceedings"); Ackermann v. Levine, 788 F.2d 830 (2nd Cir.1986) (foreign judgment for attorneys' fees enforced in part and refused enforcement in part); Laker Airways v. Sabena Belgian World Airlines, supra, 731 F.2d at 931 ("a state is not required to give effect to foreign judicial proceedings grounded on policies which do violence to its own fundamental interests"); Stein v. Siegel, 50 A.D.2d 916, 917, 377 N.Y.S.2d 580 (1975) (Austrian decree dismissing action and containing a "waiver of claim" refused recognition because "it contravenes the public policy of this State ... that a discontinuance by any method is ordinarily without prejudice to the commencement of a new action"); Calzaturificio *239 Rangoni S.p.A. v. U.S. Shoe Corp., 868 F.Supp. 1414, 1419 (S.D.N.Y.1994) ("In order to properly accord another sovereign's decision comity, that decision cannot offend the laws of the United States. * * * In this case, according the Italian Judgment comity would offend United States law").

III.

The question before us is whether Telnikoff's English libel judgment is based upon principles which are so contrary to Maryland's public policy concerning freedom of the press and defamation actions that recognition of the judgment should be denied.

A.

In resolving this public policy issue, it is important to emphasize what is not before this Court. The certified question does not ask us to decide whether the Free Press Clause of the First Amendment or Article 40 of the Maryland Declaration of Rights^[14] directly precludes Maryland recognition or enforcement of the English judgment, and we do not decide those issues.^[15]

While we shall rest our decision in this case upon the non-constitutional ground of Maryland public policy, nonetheless, in ascertaining that public policy, it is appropriate to examine and rely upon the history, policies, and requirements of the First Amendment and Article 40 of the Declaration of Rights. In determining non-constitutional principles of law, courts often rely upon the policies and requirements reflected in constitutional provisions. See, e.g., Kramer v. Bally's Park Place, 311 Md. 387, 396, 535 A.2d 466, 470 (1988); Marchesi v. Franchino, 283 Md. 131, 137-139, 387 A.2d 1129, 1132-1133 (1978); General Motors Corp. v. Piskor, 277 Md. 165, 171, 352 A.2d 810, 814-815 (1976); Dorsey v. State, 276 Md. 638, 648-659, 350 A.2d 665, 671-678 (1976); Jacron Sales Co. v. Sindorf, 276 Md. 580, 591-597, 350 A.2d 688, 694-698 (1976); Leese v. Baltimore County, 64 Md.App. 442, 468, 497 A.2d 159, 172, cert. denied, 305 Md. 106, 501 A.2d 845 (1985) ("We can conceive of no clearer `mandate of public policy' than the rights spelled out in the United States constitution"). See also Watson v. Peoples Security Life Ins. Co., 322 Md. 467, 490, 588 A.2d 760, 771 (1991) (Eldridge, J., concurring in part and dissenting in part) ("Although [Article 46 of the Maryland Declaration of Rights] may not directly apply to private employers, it nonetheless establishes a public policy in Maryland that an individual should not be subjected to sex-based discrimination"). Similarly, in arriving at non-statutory principles, courts often look to the policies and requirements of statutes. See, e.g., Kramer v. Bally's Park Place, supra, 311 Md. at 392-396, 535 A.2d at 468-470; Kelley v. R.G. Industries, Inc., 304 Md. 124, 141-155, 497 A.2d 1143, 1151-1158 (1985); McCabe v. McCabe, 210 Md. 308, 314, 318, 123 A.2d 447, 450-451,452 (1956); Ortland v. *240 County of Tehama, 939 F.Supp. 1465, 1470 (E.D.Cal.1996).

Consequently, it is appropriate to examine some of the history, policies, and requirements of the free press clauses of the First Amendment and Article 40 of the Declaration of Rights, as well as the present relationship between those provisions and defamation actions in Maryland.^[16]

B.

American and Maryland history reflects a public policy in favor of a much broader and more protective freedom of the press than ever provided for under English law.

(1)

Printing was introduced in England in 1476, but the Crown's pervasive control over the press and publications began under the reign of Henry VIII and continued throughout the Tudor period and much of the Stuart period. The control took the form of royal proclamations containing lists of prohibited publications,^[17] the granting of monopolies or privileges to certain printers,^[18] orders by the Privy Council and investigations by the Council into allegedly seditious statements and publications,^[19] decrees and prosecutions by the court of the Star Chamber for "seditious libel,"^[20] and a comprehensive licensing system.^[21] Under the Star Chamber Decree of June 23, 1586, "[a]ll books (with the exception of law books and books printed by the queen's printer) were required to be licensed by the Archbishop of Canterbury and the Bishop of London. Law books were to be licensed by the Justices." Fredrick Seaton Siebert, Freedom of the Press in England 1476-1776, at 61-62 (1952).

Although the King's authority was circumscribed during the early 1640's, and the Star Chamber was abolished in 1641, press censorship continued. Parliament, on June 14, 1643, enacted an ordinance regulating printing, under which "all books, pamphlets, and papers were required to be licensed by persons appointed by Parliament and to be entered in the Register at Stationers' Hall." Id. at 187. In addition, Parliament regularly took action, usually by a committee, to investigate "obnoxious publications" or "whenever a particularly irritating publication appeared." Id. at 189. The suppression of publications continued during the Commonwealth period through various enactments *241 and orders. For example, Cromwell in August 1655 put into effect orders "to suppress and prosecute all unlicensed printers," "to suppress all news-books except those licensed by the Protector or his Council," "to execute the acts suppressing street hawkers," etc. Id. at 231.

After the Restoration, both the King by royal proclamations and Parliament acted to control the press. Thus, "one of the first acts of Charles II was to issue a proclamation (13 August 1660) calling in and suppressing two books written by John Milton." Id. at 238. The Printing Act of 1662 continued a comprehensive licensing system, and contained numerous other provisions for the regulation of publications. Id. at 238-257. See also David S. Bogen, The Origins of Freedom of Speech and Press, 42 Md. L.Rev. 429, 442-443 (1983); Bernard Schwartz, Freedom of the Press 11 (1992).

The Printing Act of 1662 expired by its own terms in 1694, and with its expiration, the English press licensing system ended. As pointed out by this Court over one hundred years ago in Negley v. Farrow, 60 Md. 158, 176 (1883),

"[t]he liberty of the press guaranteed by the Constitution [of Maryland] is a right belonging to every one, whether proprietor of a newspaper or not, to publish whatever he pleases, without the license, interference or control of the government, being responsible alone for the abuse of the privilege. It is a right which, from the introduction of the printing press down to the year 1694, did not in England belong to the subject. On the contrary, no one was allowed to publish any printed matter without the license and supervision of the government, and it was against such interference on the part of the government, and in favor of the right of the citizen, that this provision found its way into our Bill of Rights."

Although the licensing system expired in 1694, and statutory direct prior restraint theoretically ended, the English Government still attempted to control the press. Queen Anne during the period from 1704 through 1714 issued numerous royal proclamations ordering that "the publication of false news or of books of" a particular kind "is to stop." Frederick Seaton Siebert, Freedom of the Press in England 1476-1776, supra, at 307. Parliament in 1712, in response to a message from Queen Anne, imposed taxes upon newspapers and advertisements. "`That the main purpose of these taxes was to suppress the publication of comments and criticisms objectionable to the Crown does not admit of doubt.' * * * [T]hese taxes—commonly called taxes on knowledge—were resisted and evaded for more than a century, and they constituted one of the important factors that aroused the American colonists to protest against taxation for the purposes of the home government." Baltimore v. A.S. Abell Co., 218 Md. 273, 285, 145 A.2d 111, 117 (1958), quoting Grosjean v. American Press Co., 297 U.S. 233, 246, 56 S.Ct. 444, 447, 80 L.Ed. 660, 666 (1936). The control of the press through taxation continued in England well into the nineteenth century. See Frederick Seaton Siebert, Freedom of the Press In England 1476-1776, supra, at 305-322.

Moreover, the imposition of taxes was not the only method employed in eighteenth century England to suppress publications. Professor Bogen has stated (David S. Bogen, The Origins of Freedom of Speech and Press, supra, 42 Md. L.Rev. at 443-444):

"The death of the licensing system ended prior restraints, but it did not signal the end of punishment for speech offensive to the authorities. Prosecutions for seditious libel and proceedings by the House of Commons and the House of Lords against publishers for breach of parliamentary privilege were major vehicles of suppression during the eighteenth century."

The Supreme Court in Grosjean v. American Press Co., supra, 297 U.S. at 245, 56 S.Ct. at 447, 80 L.Ed. at 666, made the same point:

"For more than a century prior to the adoption of the [First] Amendment—and, indeed, for many years thereafter—history discloses a persistent effort on the part of the British government to prevent or abridge the free expression of any opinion which seemed to criticize or exhibit in an unfavorable light, however truly, the agencies and operations of the government."

*242 The signing of the Declaration of Independence, the adoption of state constitutions, and the later ratification of the First Amendment, signaled a major departure from English law and policy concerning free speech and freedom of the press. According to Justice Black for the Court in Bridges v. California, 314 U.S. 252, 264-265, 62 S.Ct. 190, 194-195, 86 L.Ed. 192, 204 (1941) (footnotes omitted),

"to assume that English common law in this field became ours is to deny the generally accepted historical belief that `one of the objects of the Revolution was to get rid of the English common law on liberty of speech and of the press.' Schofield, Freedom of the Press in the United States, 9 Publications Amer. Sociol. Soc., 67, 76.

* * *

"It cannot be denied, for example, that the religious test oath or the restrictions upon assembly then prevalent in England would have been regarded as measures which the Constitution prohibited the American Congress from passing. And since the same unequivocal language is used with respect to freedom of the press, it signifies a similar enlargement of that concept as well. Ratified as it was while the memory of many oppressive English restrictions on the enumerated liberties was still fresh, the First Amendment cannot reasonably be taken as approving prevalent English practices. On the contrary, the only conclusion supported by history is that the unqualified prohibitions laid down by the framers were intended to give to liberty of the press, as to the other liberties, the broadest scope that could be countenanced in an orderly society."

(2)

The Second Continental Congress, by resolution adopted in May 1776, recommended that the thirteen colonies adopt new forms of government, and this action precipitated the preparation of the new state constitutions. Virginia adopted the first constitution and declaration of rights, and, by the end of the Revolutionary War, all thirteen states had adopted new constitutions. See 1 Bernard Schwartz, The Bill of Rights: A Documentary History, 228-250 (1971).

The Maryland Constitution, including its Declaration of Rights, was drafted in August 1776 by a committee of lawyers and was approved on November 3, 1776. According to Professor Bernard Schwartz, the "Maryland Declaration of Rights was much more detailed than its predecessors, containing 42 articles." 1 Bernard Schwartz, The Bill of Rights: A Documentary History, supra, at 279.^[22]

The original Maryland Declaration of Rights did not contain an express freedom of speech clause, but it did contain an express freedom of the press clause, thus underscoring *243 the importance of freedom of the press. Article XXXVIII of the 1776 Declaration of Rights stated:

"That the liberty of the press ought to be inviolably preserved."

The Maryland press clause has been called the "second model," Virginia's being the first, and it was adopted in the constitutions of Delaware, Georgia, and South Carolina. David A. Anderson, The Origins of the Press Clause, 30 UCLA L.Rev. 455, 464-465 (1983).

What is apparently the first recorded official application of the Free Press Clause of the Declaration of Rights occurred in early 1777. It was not by this Court, which was not functioning at the time, but by the General Assembly.^[23] Accounts of the matter are set forth in Matthew Page Andrews, History of Maryland: Province and State, 332-333 (1929), and Lawrence C. Wroth, A History of Printing in Colonial Maryland, 136-137 (1922). On February 25, 1777, the Maryland Journal, published by William Goddard, printed an anonymous article which amounted to an argument supporting the Tory point of view and recommended the acceptance of a British offer of peace terms. Although the article was apparently supposed to be a satirical piece, the Whig Club of Baltimore took it seriously and demanded that Goddard reveal the author's name. When Goddard refused, the members of the Whig Club carried him by force to a meeting of the Club, at which the members ordered Goddard to leave Baltimore City withi