Cheryl J. Hopwood v. State of Texas v. Thurgood Marshall Legal Society and Black Pre-Law Association, Movants-Appellants. Douglas Carvell v. State of Texas v. Thurgood Marshall Legal Society, and Black Pre-Law Association, Movants-Appellants. Cheryl J. Hopwood, Cheryl J. Hopwood v. State of Texas, Douglas Carvell, Douglas Carvell v. State of Texas
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Full Opinion
64 USLW 2591, 107 Ed. Law Rep. 552
Cheryl J. HOPWOOD, et al., Plaintiffs-Appellees,
v.
STATE OF TEXAS, et al., Defendants-Appellees,
v.
THURGOOD MARSHALL LEGAL SOCIETY and Black Pre-Law
Association, Movants-Appellants.
Douglas CARVELL, et al., Plaintiffs-Appellees,
v.
STATE OF TEXAS, et al., Defendants-Appellees,
v.
THURGOOD MARSHALL LEGAL SOCIETY, and Black Pre-Law
Association, Movants-Appellants.
Cheryl J. Hopwood, et al., Plaintiffs,
Cheryl J. HOPWOOD, et al., Plaintiffs-Appellants,
v.
STATE OF TEXAS, et al., Defendants-Appellees.
Douglas Carvell, et al., Plaintiffs,
Douglas CARVELL, Plaintiff-Appellant,
v.
STATE OF TEXAS, et al., Defendants-Appellees.
Nos. 94-50569, 94-50664.
United States Court of Appeals,
Fifth Circuit.
March 18, 1996.
Rehearing and Rehearing En Banc Denied
April 4, 1996, 1996 WL 268347.
Janell M. Byrd, NAACP Legal Defense & Educational Fund, Inc., Washington, DC, Theodore M. Shaw, Norman J. Chachkin, NAACP Legal Defense & Educational Fund, Inc., New York City, Anthony P. Griffin, Galveston, TX, for appellants in No. 94-50569.
Dennis D. Parker, New York City, for TMLS--proposed intervenor.
Terral Ray Smith, Steven W. Smith, Small, Craig & Werkenthin, Austin, TX, for Elliott & Rogers.
Michael E. Rosman, Vincent A. Mulloy, Ctr. for Individual Rights, Washington, DC, for Cheryl Hopwood et al.
Harry M. Reasoner, Vinson & Elkins, Houston, TX, Barry D. Burgdorf, Vinson & Elkins, Austin, TX, R. Scott Placek, Houston, TX, Samuel Issacharoff, Charles Alan Wright, Univ. of Texas School of Law, Austin, TX, Betty R. Owens, Houston, TX, Javier Aguilar, Spec. Asst. Atty. Gen., Austin, TX, Allan Van Fleet, Houston, TX, for State of Texas et al.
Steven W. Smith, Austin, TX, Terral R. Smith, Austin, TX, for Appellants, Elliott & Rogers.
Theodore B. Olson, Washington DC, Michael E. Rosman, Ctr. for Ind. Rights, Washington, DC, Joseph A. Wallace, Elkins, West VA, for Hopwood and Douglas W. Carvell.
Javier Aguilar, Austin, TX, Harry M. Reasoner, Betty R. Owens, Houston, TX, Barry D. Burgdorf, Vinson & Elkins, Austin, TX, Dana C. Livingston, Manuel Lopez, Allan Van Fleet, Houston, TX, R. Scott Placek, Austin, TX, Samuel Issacharoff, Charles Alan Wright, Austin, TX, for State of Texas et al.
Janell M. Byrd, Anthony P. Griffin, Washington, DC, Theodore M. Shaw, Norman J. Chachkin, New York City, Myles V. Lynk, Washington, DC, for amicus curiae TMLS.
Albert H. Kauffman, John R. Vasquez, San Antonio, TX, for amicus curiae MALDEF.
Appeals from the United States District Court for the Western District of Texas.
Before SMITH, WIENER and DeMOSS, Circuit Judges.
JERRY E. SMITH, Circuit Judge:
With the best of intentions, in order to increase the enrollment of certain favored classes of minority students, the University of Texas School of Law ("the law school") discriminates in favor of those applicants by giving substantial racial preferences in its admissions program. The beneficiaries of this system are blacks and Mexican Americans, to the detriment of whites and non-preferred minorities. The question we decide today in No. 94-50664 is whether the Fourteenth Amendment permits the school to discriminate in this way.
We hold that it does not. The law school has presented no compelling justification, under the Fourteenth Amendment or Supreme Court precedent, that allows it to continue to elevate some races over others, even for the wholesome purpose of correcting perceived racial imbalance in the student body. "Racial preferences appear to 'even the score' ... only if one embraces the proposition that our society is appropriately viewed as divided into races, making it right that an injustice rendered in the past to a black man should be compensated for by discriminating against a white." City of Richmond v. J.A. Croson Co., 488 U.S. 469, 528, 109 S.Ct. 706, 740, 102 L.Ed.2d 854 (1989) (Scalia, J., concurring in the judgment).
As a result of its diligent efforts in this case, the district court concluded that the law school may continue to impose racial preferences. See Hopwood v. Texas, 861 F.Supp. 551 (W.D.Tex.1994). In No. 94-50664, we reverse and remand, concluding that the law school may not use race as a factor in law school admissions. Further, we instruct the court to reconsider the issue of damages in accordance with the legal standards we now explain. In No. 94-50569, regarding the denial of intervention by two black student groups, we dismiss the appeal for want of jurisdiction.
I.
A.
The University of Texas School of Law is one of the nation's leading law schools, consistently ranking in the top twenty. See, e.g., America's Best Graduate Schools, U.S. NEWS & WORLD REPORT Mar. 20, 1995, at 84 (national survey ranking of seventeenth). Accordingly, admission to the law school is fiercely competitive, with over 4,000 applicants a year competing to be among the approximately 900 offered admission to achieve an entering class of about 500 students. Many of these applicants have some of the highest grades and test scores in the country.
Numbers are therefore paramount for admission. In the early 1990's, the law school largely based its initial admissions decisions upon an applicant's so-called Texas Index ("TI") number, a composite of undergraduate grade point average ("GPA") and Law School Aptitude Test ("LSAT") score.1 The law school used this number as a matter of administrative convenience in order to rank candidates and to predict, roughly, one's probability of success in law school. Moreover, the law school relied heavily upon such numbers to estimate the number of offers of admission it needed to make in order to fill its first-year class.
Of course, the law school did not rely upon numbers alone. The admissions office necessarily exercised judgment in interpreting the individual scores of applicants, taking into consideration factors such as the strength of a student's undergraduate education, the difficulty of his major, and significant trends in his own grades and the undergraduate grades at his respective college (such as grade inflation). Admissions personnel also considered what qualities each applicant might bring to his law school class. Thus, the law school could consider an applicant's background, life experiences, and outlook. Not surprisingly, these hard-to-quantify factors were especially significant for marginal candidates.2
Because of the large number of applicants and potential admissions factors, the TI's administrative usefulness was its ability to sort candidates. For the class entering in 1992--the admissions group at issue in this case--the law school placed the typical applicant in one of three categories according to his TI scores: "presumptive admit," "presumptive deny," or a middle "discretionary zone." An applicant's TI category determined how extensive a review his application would receive.
Most, but not all, applicants in the presumptive admit category received offers of admission with little review. Professor Stanley Johanson, the Chairman of the Admissions Committee, or Dean Laquita Hamilton, the Assistant Dean for Admissions, reviewed these files and downgraded only five to ten percent to the discretionary zone because of weaknesses in their applications, generally a noncompetitive major or a weak undergraduate education.
Applicants in the presumptive denial category also received little consideration. Similarly, these files would be reviewed by one or two professors, who could upgrade them if they believed that the TI score did not adequately reflect potential to compete at the law school. Otherwise, the applicant was rejected.
Applications in the middle range were subjected to the most extensive scrutiny. For all applicants other than blacks and Mexican Americans, the files were bundled into stacks of thirty, which were given to admissions subcommittees consisting of three members of the full admissions committee. Each subcommittee member, in reviewing the thirty files, could cast a number of votes--typically from nine to eleven3--among the thirty files. Subject to the chairman's veto, if a candidate received two or three votes, he received an offer; if he garnered one vote, he was put on the waiting list; those with no votes were denied admission.
Blacks and Mexican Americans were treated differently from other candidates, however. First, compared to whites and non-preferred minorities,4 the TI ranges that were used to place them into the three admissions categories were lowered to allow the law school to consider and admit more of them. In March 1992, for example, the presumptive TI admission score for resident whites and non-preferred minorities was 199.5 Mexican Americans and blacks needed a TI of only 189 to be presumptively admitted.6 The difference in the presumptive-deny ranges is even more striking. The presumptive denial score for "nonminorities" was 192; the same score for blacks and Mexican Americans was 179.
While these cold numbers may speak little to those unfamiliar with the pool of applicants, the results demonstrate that the difference in the two ranges was dramatic. According to the law school, 1992 resident white applicants had a mean GPA of 3.53 and an LSAT of 164. Mexican Americans scored 3.27 and 158; blacks scored 3.25 and 157. The category of "other minority" achieved a 3.56 and 160.7
These disparate standards greatly affected a candidate's chance of admission. For example, by March 1992, because the presumptive denial score for whites was a TI of 192 or lower, and the presumptive admit TI for minorities was 189 or higher, a minority candidate with a TI of 189 or above almost certainly would be admitted, even though his score was considerably below8 the level at which a white candidate almost certainly would be rejected. Out of the pool of resident applicants who fell within this range (189-192 inclusive), 100% of blacks and 90% of Mexican Americans, but only 6% of whites, were offered admission.9
The stated purpose of this lowering of standards was to meet an "aspiration" of admitting a class consisting of 10% Mexican Americans and 5% blacks, proportions roughly comparable to the percentages of those races graduating from Texas colleges. The law school found meeting these "goals" difficult, however, because of uncertain acceptance rates and the variable quality of the applicant pool.10 In 1992, for example, the entering class contained 41 blacks and 55 Mexican Americans, respectively 8% and 10.7% of the class.
In addition to maintaining separate presumptive TI levels for minorities and whites, the law school ran a segregated application evaluation process. Upon receiving an application form, the school color-coded it according to race. If a candidate failed to designate his race, he was presumed to be in a nonpreferential category. Thus, race was always an overt part of the review of any applicant's file.
The law school reviewed minority candidates within the applicable discretionary range differently from whites. Instead of being evaluated and compared by one of the various discretionary zone subcommittees, black and Mexican American applicants' files were reviewed by a minority subcommittee of three, which would meet and discuss every minority candidate. Thus, each of these candidates' files could get extensive review and discussion. And while the minority subcommittee reported summaries of files to the admissions committee as a whole, the minority subcommittee's decisions were "virtually final."Finally, the law school maintained segregated waiting lists, dividing applicants by race and residence. Thus, even many of those minority applicants who were not admitted could be set aside in "minority-only" waiting lists. Such separate lists apparently helped the law school maintain a pool of potentially acceptable, but marginal, minority candidates.11
B.
Cheryl Hopwood, Douglas Carvell, Kenneth Elliott, and David Rogers (the "plaintiffs") applied for admission to the 1992 entering law school class. All four were white residents of Texas and were rejected.
The plaintiffs were considered as discretionary zone candidates.12 Hopwood, with a GPA of 3.8 and an LSAT of 39 (equivalent to a three-digit LSAT of 160), had a TI of 199, a score barely within the presumptive-admit category for resident whites, which was 199 and up. She was dropped into the discretionary zone for resident whites (193 to 198), however, because Johanson decided her educational background overstated the strength of her GPA. Carvell, Elliott, and Rogers had TI's of 197, at the top end of that discretionary zone. Their applications were reviewed by admissions subcommittees, and each received one or no vote.
II.
The plaintiffs sued primarily under the Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment; they also claimed derivative statutory violations of 42 U.S.C. §§ 1981 and 1983 and of title VI of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, 42 U.S.C. § 2000d ("title VI").13 The plaintiffs' central claim is that they were subjected to unconstitutional racial discrimination by the law school's evaluation of their admissions applications. They sought injunctive and declaratory relief and compensatory and punitive damages.
After a bench trial, the district court held that the school had violated the plaintiffs' equal protection rights. 861 F.Supp. at 579. The plaintiffs' victory was pyrrhic at best, however, as the court refused to enjoin the law school from using race in admissions decisions or to grant damages beyond a one-dollar nominal award to each plaintiff. The district court, however, did grant declaratory relief and ordered that the plaintiffs be allowed to apply again without paying the requisite fee. Id. at 583.
The district court began by recognizing the proper constitutional standard under which to evaluate the admissions program: strict scrutiny. Id. at 568. As it was undisputed that the school had treated applicants disparately based upon the color of their skin, the court asked whether the law school process (1) served a compelling government interest and (2) was narrowly tailored to the achievement of that goal. Under the first prong of the test, the court held that two of the law school's five proffered reasons met constitutional muster: (1) "obtaining the educational benefits that flow from a racially and ethnically diverse student body" and (2) "the objective of overcoming past effects of discrimination." Id. at 571.
Significantly, on the second justification, the court rejected the plaintiffs' argument that the analysis of past discrimination should be limited to that of the law school; instead, the court held that the State of Texas's "institutions of higher education are inextricably linked to the primary and secondary schools in the system." Id.14 Accordingly, the court found that Texas's long history of racially discriminatory practices in its primary and secondary schools in its not-too-distant past had the following present effects at UT law: "the law school's lingering reputation in the minority community, particularly with prospective students, as a 'white' school; an underrepresentation of minorities in the student body; and some perception that the law school is a hostile environment for minorities." Id. at 572. The court also noted that "were the Court to limit its review to the University of Texas, the Court would still find a 'strong evidentiary basis for concluding that remedial action is necessary.' " Id. (citation omitted).
The court next evaluated whether the Texas program was narrowly tailored to further these goals. Id. at 573. Applying a four-factor test devised by the Supreme Court, the court held only part of the 1992 admissions scheme unconstitutional. Those parts that gave minorities a "plus," that is, the component of the admissions program that treated candidates' TI scores differently based upon race, was upheld. Id. at 578.
The court held, however, that differential treatment was not allowed where candidates of different races were not compared at some point in the admission process. Thus, the court struck down the school's use of separate admissions committees for applications in the discretionary zone, id. at 578-79, and in dictum speculated that presumptive denial lines would not pass muster, as many white candidates would get no review, while similarly situated minorities would, id. at 576 n. 71.
Though it declared that the law school's 1992 admissions program violated the plaintiffs' equal protection rights, the court granted little relief. First, the court did not order that the plaintiffs be admitted to the law school. Instead, it used what it saw as analogous title VII caselaw on burden-shifting to hold that while the state had committed a constitutional violation, the plaintiffs had the ultimate burden of proving damages. Id. at 579-80. The court then found that the defendants had proffered a legitimate, non-discriminatory reason for denying the plaintiffs admission and that the plaintiffs had not met their burden of showing that they would have been admitted but for the unlawful system. Id. at 582.
Moreover, the court held that the plaintiffs were not entitled to prospective injunctive relief, because "of the law school's voluntary change to a procedure, which on paper and from the testimony, appears to remedy the defects the Court has found in the 1992 procedure." Id.15 To pass muster under the court's reasoning, the law school simply had to have one committee that at one time during the process reviewed all applications and did not establish separate TI numbers to define the presumptive denial categories. In other words, if the law school applied the same academic standards, but had commingled the minority review in the discretionary zone with the review of whites, its program would not have been struck down. The same admissions result would occur, but the process would be "fair." Id.
Finally, the court determined that the only appropriate relief was a declaratory judgment and an order allowing the plaintiffs to reapply to the school without charge. Id. at 582-83. No compensatory or punitive damages, the court reasoned, could be awarded where the plaintiffs had proven no harm. Moreover, the court reasoned that as the law school had promised to change its admissions program by abandoning the two-committee system, no prospective injunctive relief was justified.
III.
The central purpose of the Equal Protection Clause "is to prevent the States from purposefully discriminating between individuals on the basis of race." Shaw v. Reno, 509 U.S. 630, ----, 113 S.Ct. 2816, 2824, 125 L.Ed.2d 511 (1993) (citing Washington v. Davis, 426 U.S. 229, 239, 96 S.Ct. 2040, 2047, 48 L.Ed.2d 597 (1976)). It seeks ultimately to render the issue of race irrelevant in governmental decisionmaking. See Palmore v. Sidoti, 466 U.S. 429, 432, 104 S.Ct. 1879, 1881-82, 80 L.Ed.2d 421 (1984) ("A core purpose of the Fourteenth Amendment was to do away with all governmentally imposed discrimination.") (footnote omitted).
Accordingly, discrimination based upon race is highly suspect. "Distinctions between citizens solely because of their ancestry are by their very nature odious to a free people whose institutions are founded upon the doctrine of equality," and "racial discriminations are in most circumstances irrelevant and therefore prohibited...." Hirabayashi v. United States, 320 U.S. 81, 100, 63 S.Ct. 1375, 1385, 87 L.Ed. 1774 (1943). Hence, "[p]referring members of any one group for no reason other than race or ethnic origin is discrimination for its own sake. This the Constitution forbids." Regents of Univ. of Cal. v. Bakke, 438 U.S. 265, 307, 98 S.Ct. 2733, 2757, 57 L.Ed.2d 750 (1978) (opinion of Powell, J.); see also Loving v. Virginia, 388 U.S. 1, 11, 87 S.Ct. 1817, 1823, 18 L.Ed.2d 1010 (1967); Brown v. Board of Educ., 347 U.S. 483, 493-94, 74 S.Ct. 686, 691-92, 98 L.Ed. 873 (1954). These equal protection maxims apply to all races. Adarand Constructors v. Pena, --- U.S. ----, ----, 115 S.Ct. 2097, 2111, 132 L.Ed.2d 158 (1995).
In order to preserve these principles, the Supreme Court recently has required that any governmental action that expressly distinguishes between persons on the basis of race be held to the most exacting scrutiny. See, e.g., id. at ----, 115 S.Ct. at 2113; Loving, 388 U.S. at 11, 87 S.Ct. at 1823. Furthermore, there is now absolutely no doubt that courts are to employ strict scrutiny16 when evaluating all racial classifications, including those characterized by their proponents as "benign" or "remedial."17
Strict scrutiny is necessary because the mere labeling of a classification by the government as "benign" or "remedial" is meaningless. As Justice O'Connor indicated in Croson:
Absent searching judicial inquiry into the justifications for such race-based measures, there is simply no way of determining what classifications are "benign" or "remedial" and what classifications are in fact motivated by illegitimate notions of racial inferiority or simple racial politics. Indeed, the purpose of strict scrutiny is to "smoke out" illegitimate uses of race by assuring that the legislative body is pursuing a goal important enough to warrant use of a highly suspect tool. The test also ensures that the means chosen "fit" this compelling goal so closely that there is little or no possibility that the motive for the classification was illegitimate racial prejudice or stereotype.
Id. at 493, 109 S.Ct. at 721 (plurality opinion).
Under the strict scrutiny analysis, we ask two questions: (1) Does the racial classification serve a compelling government interest, and (2) is it narrowly tailored to the achievement of that goal? Adarand, --- U.S. at ----, ----, 115 S.Ct. at 2111, 2117. As the Adarand Court emphasized, strict scrutiny ensures that "courts will consistently give racial classifications ... detailed examination both as to ends and as to means." Id.18
Finally, when evaluating the proffered governmental interest for the specific racial classification, to decide whether the program in question narrowly achieves that interest, we must recognize that "the rights created by ... the Fourteenth Amendment are, by its terms, guaranteed to the individual. The rights established are personal rights." Shelley v. Kraemer, 334 U.S. 1, 22, 68 S.Ct. 836, 846, 92 L.Ed. 1161 (1948).19 Thus, the Court consistently has rejected arguments conferring benefits on a person based solely upon his membership in a specific class of persons.20
With these general principles of equal protection in mind, we turn to the specific issue of whether the law school's consideration of race as a factor in admissions violates the Equal Protection Clause. The district court found both a compelling remedial and a non-remedial justification for the practice.
First, the court approved of the non-remedial goal of having a diverse student body, reasoning that "obtaining the educational benefits that flow from a racially and ethnically diverse student body remains a sufficiently compelling interest to support the use of racial classifications." 861 F.Supp. at 571. Second, the court determined that the use of racial classifications could be justified as a remedy for the "present effects at the law school of past discrimination in both the University of Texas system and the Texas educational system as a whole." Id. at 573.
A.
1.
Justice Powell's separate opinion in Bakke provided the original impetus for recognizing diversity as a compelling state interest in higher education. In that case, Allan Bakke, a white male, was denied admission to the Medical School of the University of California at Davis, a state-run institution. Claiming that the State had discriminated against him impermissibly because it operated two separate admissions programs for the medical school, he brought suit under the state constitution, title VI, and the Equal Protection Clause.
Under the medical school's admissions system, the white applicants, who comprised the majority of the prospective students, applied through the general admissions program. A special admissions program was reserved for members of "minority groups" or groups designated as "economically and/or educationally disadvantaged." The university set aside sixteen of the one hundred positions in the entering class for candidates from the special program.
The California Supreme Court struck down the program on equal protection grounds, enjoined any consideration of race in the admissions process, and ordered that Bakke be admitted. The United States Supreme Court affirmed in part and reversed in part in an opinion announced by Justice Powell. 438 U.S. at 271-72, 98 S.Ct. at 2738-39 (opinion of Powell, J.). The Court reached no consensus on a justification for its result, however. Six Justices filed opinions, none of which garnered more than four votes (including the writer's). The two major opinions--one four-Justice opinion by Justices Brennan, White, Marshall, and Blackmun and one by Justice Stevens in which Chief Justice Burger and Justices Stewart and Rehnquist joined--reflected completely contrary views of the law.
While Justice Powell found the program unconstitutional under the Equal Protection Clause and affirmed Bakke's admission, Justice Stevens declined to reach the constitutional issue and upheld Bakke's admission under title VI. Justice Powell also concluded that the California Supreme Court's proscription of the consideration of race in admissions could not be sustained. This became the judgment of the Court, as the four-Justice opinion by Justice Brennan opined that racial classifications designed to serve remedial purposes should receive only intermediate scrutiny. These Justices would have upheld the admissions program under this intermediate scrutiny, as it served the substantial and benign purpose of remedying past societal discrimination.
Hence, Justice Powell's opinion has appeared to represent the "swing vote," and though, in significant part, see id. at 272 n. *, 98 S.Ct. at 2738, it was joined by no other Justice, it has played a prominent role in subsequent debates concerning the impact of Bakke.21 In the present case, the significance of Justice Powell's opinion is its discussion of compelling state interests under the Equal Protection Clause. See id. at 305-15, 98 S.Ct. at 2756-61. Specifically, after Justice Powell recognized that the proper level of review for racial classifications is strict scrutiny, id. at 305-06, 98 S.Ct. at 2756-57, he rejected and accepted respective justifications for the school's program as "substantial enough to support the use of a suspect classification," id. at 306, 98 S.Ct. at 2757.
Notably, because the first step in reviewing an affirmative action program is a determination of the state's interests at stake,22 it often is the determinative step. Justice Powell outlined the four state interests proffered by the Bakke defendants:
The special admissions program purports to serve the purposes of: (i) "reducing the historic deficit of traditionally disfavored minorities in medical schools and in the medical profession,"; (ii) countering the effects of societal discrimination; (iii) increasing the number of physicians who will practice in communities currently underserved; and (iv) obtaining the educational benefits that flow from an ethnically diverse student body.
Id. at 305-06, 98 S.Ct. at 2756-57 (emphasis added, citation and footnote omitted).
Justice Powell reasoned that the second and third justifications--remedying societal discrimination and providing role models--were never appropriate.23 He determined that any remedial justification was limited to eliminating "identified discrimination" with "disabling effects." Id. at 307, 98 S.Ct. at 2757 (citing the school desegregation cases). He specifically emphasized that a particularized finding of a constitutional or statutory violation must be present before a remedy is justified. He determined not only that such findings were not present in Bakke, but that the medical school was not even in a position to make such findings. Id. at 309, 98 S.Ct. at 2757-58.
Justice Powell further reasoned that diversity is a sufficient justification for limited racial classification. Id. at 311-16, 98 S.Ct. at 2759-62. "[The attainment of a diverse student body] clearly is a constitutionally permissible goal for an institution of higher education." Id. at 311, 98 S.Ct. at 2759. He argued that diversity of minorities' viewpoints furthered "academic freedom," an interest under the Constitution. While acknowledging that "academic freedom" does not appear as a constitutional right, he argued that it had "long ... been viewed as a special concern of the First Amendment." Id. at 312, Additional Information